Background.
Following the end of the
Second World War, the countries of the world generally shared a common concern
over the available ways and means to foster an accelerated recovery for
national economies which had been ravaged by the recent hostilities. One
direction for concerted action which followed was an initiative to create an
international trade organization, which would promote and implement economic
growth through trade. In time, the
original twenty-three countries which collaborated in the formation of the
General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) focussed on measures for the
reduction and removal of prohibitive tariffs which were seen as the major
obstacles to trade, an avowed engine of growth.
The basis for this policy of
growth through trade rested on the economic doctrine of Comparative Advantage,
summarized as follows:
. Every country has a unique endowment of factors of production
necessary for the creation of a range of goods;
. It may not be rational or efficient for each country to attempt
to produce for itself all of its market needs.
. Each country should concentrate on the production of those
commodities that it can produce most efficiently (ie, at the cheapest cost)
relative to its trading partners;
. The welfare of all of the trading partners is improved if each
country traded its surplus products with its partners, and thereby obtained
those commodities it required;
. Under these conditions of international specialization in
production and trade in surpluses, all partners in trade benefitted;
. The freer the trade exchanges, that is, the fewer the
constraints on the movement of goods, the greater the capacity for national
economic growth.
The proponents of and
participants in GATT therefore designed an agreement to be mutually subscribed
and adhered to that for specified goods, the member countries work towards the
elimination of tariffs according to an established schedule for reductions by
member countries over time.
Factors Promoting Agreements.
But what factors singly or
in combination served to promote a desire by member countries to enter into
trading agreements? Experience and
observation suggest that the answer is not an entirely economic-driven one,
though there may indeed be economic conditions, which promote the benefits of
such trading associations. Among
others, we might suggest the following:
. a diversified economic
base, or an economy with the potential for diversification, thereby
offering options for specialization in
production alternatives.
. similar sized economies
promote opportunities for partnering, since logically, specialization should
work to the equal benefit of all parties.
As will be discussed later, the concept of “size” and “economic size”, in particular, requires further elaboration;
. sharing of a comparable technology, the capacity to utilize the
most efficient production processes, promotes decisions, beneficial to both, on
the merits of specialization;
. where societies might share common cultural attributes, for
example, towards work and leisure, towards acquisition versus conservation etc,
an agreement environment is facilitated;
. countries which have
shared a history of co-operation are better candidates for an agreement which
may require benefits to accrue in the long run;
. economies which are competitive in the goods produced, given some
of the factors discussed above, rather than complementary to each other would
be better served by a trading agreement.
Under this condition, the parties are better motivated to search for
optimization rather than rely on an absolute advantage in production.
Transformation of GATT.
In the years following the
institution of GATT much change occurred in the structure of trading
arrangements and patterns due to the provisions of the Agreement. The number of participating countries
increased significantly from the initial group of twenty three to a current
membership of approximately one hundred and forty countries comprising a
representation of both large and small, developed and developing economies,
technologically advanced and denied, and including countries with varying
degrees of historical association and cultural connectiveness. Nevertheless, with a primary emphasis on
tariff reduction and quota elimination on selected goods within a permissive
regulatory scheme, one might conclude that opportunities for friction were
few. The pace of trade liberalization
quickened significantly as a result of the Kennedy Round of negotiations
(1963-1967) which succeeded in significantly reducing trade barriers by
widening the range of affected commodities and deepening the levels of tariff
reductions.
Under the Tokyo Round of
negotiations (1973-1979) attention was given to the incidence and impact of
Non-Trade Barriers (NTB), and measures were instituted to require compliance of
members for the discontinuation and removal of such practices.
An epochal change in the
nature and functioning of GATT occurred in the 1986-1993 Uruguay Round of
negotiations, and the decisions following that process. Firstly and most significantly, GATT was
transformed into a World Trade Organization (WTO) with greater powers given to
the organization over a much greater range of commodities affecting trade of an
ever-increasing number of the world’s economies.
In summary:
. The World Trade Organization would in future operate through
signed agreements which would have the force of law, superceding national
jurisdiction of member countries with regard to matters administered by WTO.
. This superior effect of WTO was in contradistinction to GATT
which had never received formal ratification from member countries, with
consequent reduced ability for mandatory compliance.
. The previous scope of GATT was expanded under the WTO to
include trade in services by means of a General Agreement on Trade in Services
(GATS), and additional provisions affecting Trade-related Intellectual Property
Rights.
. Under the WTO, member states now had access to a formal, legal
process for settling trade disputes, which decisions were binding on the
parties.
As a result, the WTO is
rightly or wrongly viewed in some quarters as a supra-national jurisdiction
with significant and pervasive powers to affect the economic futures of the
world’s population for good or ill through the exercise of powers not granted
democratically by the populations affected.
The positions advanced both in favour and against these contentions have
fuelled the current debate which shadows the work of the organization. The merits of either side are not the
subject of this discussion.
Without doubt, membership in
the WTO implies some loss in sovereignty by member states, and should that
concern be paramount such countries may well question the rationale of
membership. If however the potential benefits
are perceived to outweigh the loss of sovereignty, then there may well be an
argument in favour of membership. I
would suggest that such decisions are for the country itself to make. Indeed, the answer in any case has
ramifications beyond trade itself, extending and permeating into the
socio-economic and political fabric of the countries affected.
The Alternatives and Trends.
Conceivably, countries may
decide not to become a member of a multilateral trade organization, at least
not one with pervasive powers requiring obligatory compliance, or they may
choose to conduct their trading among partners under a more permissive
arrangement. Or they may choose to ally themselves under a number of individual
bilateral trading arrangements. All of
this is possible. The question is, is it efficient and feasible?
Trading agreements of any
kind provide opportunities and impose obligations. By and large, the wider the
opportunity, the greater the responsibilty.
Increasingly, the trading
world is re-making itself into a mosaic of regional trading blocs buttressed by
either bilateral or multilateral agreements of varying complexity and
impact. The option for a policy of
splendid isolationism or for opting out is not a comforting one.
On the contrary, if a trend
can be observed at all, it is one directed towards increasing intensities of
trading association as exemplified by the formation of Free Trade Areas,
followed by Customs Union, followed by Common Market arrangements with the
possibility later of an Economic Union.
These are not inevitable or irreversible trends, but they do suggest
that the price of maintaining and increasing national welfare through economic
efficiencies do come at the sacrifice of elements of sovereignty such as is
illustrated by an Economic Union among countries. For example: Freedom of movement of Goods, People, Services and
Capital among member countries; standardized or harmonized regulations affecting
movement of persons, goods and services; common external tariffs and
regulations in dealing with countries outside the union; common currency and
monetary policy; a common Central Banking system; special provisions to take
account of the unique or unusual circumstances of parts of the Union.
This discussion emphasizes
that a perspective on approaches towards trading arrangements ought not to be
conceived within a static frame of reference.
The trading alignments of the world are constantly changing, and with
each change new options emerge for addressing national and regional
concerns. Within the long term and the
sensitive consideration of national circumstances and aspirations creative
opportunities might be released to address individual constraints.
The Road to FTAA.
The Free Trade Area of the
Americas (FTAA) represents a proposal to establish within the Western
Hemisphere a free trade area to include all of the independent countries, with
the single exception of Cuba. The
representatives of the countries concerned meeting at the Heads of State Summit
in Miami in 1994 issued a Declaration of Principle and a Plan of Action in
anticipation of an in force agreement by the year 2005.
The member countries concerned come to these discussions against experiences of their own in free trade arrangements.
1.
Some
are already members of GATT, now the WTO, and as such already subscribe to a
trading regulatory framework, which can be conceived as a minimum acceptable
level of performance and compliance.
2.
The
United States and Canada, signatories to the Canada-United States Free Trade
Agreement (1989) are now, with the
Republic of Mexico, members of the North American Free Trade Area, established
in 1994.
3.
The
countries of Brazil, Argentina, Uruguay and Paraguay are members of a
significant customs union under the MERCOSUR agreement.
4.
A
similar customs union area exists within the Andean Community of Venezuela,
Ecuador, Peru, Colombia and Bolivia.
5.
The
five countries of Nicaragua, Costa
Rica, El Salvador Guatemala and Honduras (CACM) are members of a Customs Union.
6.
Thirteen
former British colonies in the Caribbean archipelago, together with the former
Dutch colony of Suriname, the CARICOM grouping, constitute another Customs
Union.
7.
Some
countries, such as Haiti, the Dominican Republic, Chile and Panama while not members of multilateral free trade
agreements have signed bilateral free trade agreement and other trading
arrangements with members of regional groupings,and even members within the
hemisphere have special agreements between themselves.
The regional area proposed for integration as a free trade area is
therefore comprised of a number of established shared and sometimes conflicting
pre-existing agreements, memberships and arrangements which are to be moulded
into a hemispheric consistent trading bloc.
This is ambitious to say the least, and an undertaking made even more
daunting by the wide diversity among its members.
1.
They
range in population size from 392 million within the NAFTA bloc to 6.5 million
within the CARICOM area.
2.
Total
Gross Domestic Product by bloc ranges from 89,102,794 millions in U.S $ (!997)
to $22,122 millions for CARICOM.
3.
Gross
Domestic Product per capita extends from $23,250 within NAFTA to $1452 within
the CACM bloc.
Distinctions such as these are even more marked when comparisons are
made at the national level for such indices as population size, per capita
incomes, land area and densities, import and export performances, levels of
savings and investment, health standards and literacy levels. Just as significantly, the traditions of
democracy, free enterprise, and human rights vary widely within the
region. Yet these and other are the
objectives promoted by the Declaration of Principles. In this, FTAA is more than a trading agreement but an avowal that
stable trading arrangements are facilitated and maintained by stable societies
secured by a culture of growth and shared prosperity, within a respectful
cultural milieu.
Understandably, there are those who would question the sincerity of
these objectives and the manner in which they will be secured. There will be
those who will doubt the ability of national governments to resist for whatever
reason the ability to conform to the “accepted standards” under the
agreement. There may be those who would
resist the transfiguration of the hemisphere from becoming what might be
perceived to be circling planets around the United States sun. For them and
others, the negotiation of the articles of the agreement through a democratic
consultative process affords an opportunity to secure those features, which
might be threatened.
Some element of security may be gained from a brief overview of the
process by which FTAA came into being.
It has been suggested that in looking at the free trade agreements of
latter times, one might better understand what to expect in the FTAA
negotiating process and outcome.
The
Canada-U.S. Free Trade Agreement.
In 1987, Canada and the United States signed the Canada-U.S FTA partly
in frustration and as a reaction to the slow pace of negotiation and issue
resolution under the Uruguay Round.
Indeed, many of the features and provisions of the CUSFTA were later
included in the revamped GATT under the WTO.
However, there was much to favour a Canada-US agreement. The countries were competitive in the nature
of goods and services they produced and consumed. There was great cultural similarity and a shared technology due
to cross-border location of subsidiaries and branch plants. Each country was
the others most significant trading partner due in part to the Auto Pact
Agreement (1967) providing for a complementary location of automobile and
auto-parts manufacturing. The agreement
proposed the elimination of all tariffs between the two countries, to reduce a
range of other barriers, and to make trade more open and secure.
The agreement required that the parties shall ensure that all necessary
measures are taken to give effect to its provisions. It introduced a unique settlement mechanism in the resolution of
disputes by the application of binding
arbitration on countervail, anti-dumping etc. Also for the first time, issues of trade in services were
addressed in an agreement. The
agreement broke new ground in exposing
Government Procurement Services to cross border tendering. The agreement
introduced provisions governing investment liberalization in the movement of
capital across borders.
Noticeably, Canada insisted on
and obtained agreement to the right to conclude separate bilateral and multilateral
agreements outside CUSFTA, and to exempt and protect its cultural services from
inclusion under the Agreement. Canada
successfully negotiated to retain control over exports of logs and the US over
its marine transportation. Tariff cuts were phased over ten years to allow
companies to adjust. Harmonization
systems permitted a predetermination of issues with respect to third countries
such as “county of origin”.
The agreement made provision for safeguard measures in the event of an
emergency thereby granting relief under such conditions without allowing the
other party to take advantage of the emergency condition. With respect to Agriculture, considered a
sensitive sector (which for years had frustrated the process of trade
liberalization) the CUSFTA introduced a number of exceptions for farmers on
both sides of the border relative to marketing boards and supply management,
subsidies etc. While the agreement secured the liberalization of trade in
Services, including freight and shipping, telecommunications, tourism,
insurance and consulting services, cultural industries were exempt.
The NAFTA Exercise.
The NAFTA agreement concluded in 1994 among Canada, the United States
and Mexico might validly be regarded as a CUSFTA-plus agreement. It incorporated and continued much of the
earlier CUSFTA provisions with modifications for Mexico, and added a number of
new provisions not previously seen. Significantly, a smaller, developing
economy became married to two larger developed economies, both with
developed physical and social
infrastructures, skilled labour force, highly primed technologies and which
unlike Mexico were net investment exporters.
There were fears on both sides. On the part of the US-Canada labour
interests, the fear of the migration of lower wage jobs to Mexico. On the part of the Mexicans, the dominance
of their economy by foreigners, and the abortion of a truly made in Mexico economy. Despite the questionable significance for
Mexico, NAFTA was the first international agreement to incorporate provisions
for the regulation of trade in Intellectual Property Rights. But also because of the marriage of
unequals, NAFTA addressed the problem
through rules for Standard setting,
Investment and Services. Under NAFTA,
the scope and treatment of the provisions under the agreement were
altered. Until now, trade agreements
addressed matters covered by specific listings. NAFTA promoted a departure by identifying exceptions, thereby
including matters not listed.
Under NAFTA, individual investors are permitted to challenge a national
government before the arbitration
tribunal on grounds that the investor has been adversely and unfairly impacted
by an act of the government. It has
been noted that an interpretation of an investor could extend the right of
appeal to persons having a peripheral and indirect interest. By this
definition, the number of potential appellants on any matter could increase
significantly and governments could be exposed to numerous litigation. This
agreement was enacted into national laws of the countries concerned which was
to be in compliance with its provisions.
In case of conflict the provisions under NAFTA prevails to the extent of
the conflict. Thus by a combination of negative listings and the precedence of
the Agreement, the effective force of the agreement was secured.
In two significant areas NAFTA introduced ground breaking provisions
which hold tremendous importance and significance for smaller, developing
economies. The first related to
provisions for environmental protection.
The second touched upon respect for human rights in the employment of
labour. In the former case, criticisms
have been levied that the scope of the environmental provisions are too
restrictive and ought to have a much wider environmental application. In the second, a more general concern over
wages and benefits which promote human welfare and dignity consistent with the
FTAA principles should be addressed by the Agreement.
Lessons
Learned.
From a review of the two principal agreements above , one comes to the
conclusion that trade agreement within the hemisphere continue to be a work in
progress, with each process and document learning from and building on the
experiences of the preceding one. Each
subsequent document reflects the peculiarities of the circumstance, the
characteristics of the parties to the agreement, the exigencies of wider world
conditions and the accommodations necessary to be made to secure agreement
without significant compromise to the over-riding principles. While certain conditions promote an accord,
differences in size need not be a deterrent.
Developments or a combination of developments in telecommunications and
banking, the emergence of the electronic commerce industry, international laws
on registration of shipping, the incidence of off-shore betting and gaming are
all commercial activity of significant importance and even concern which can be
located in the smallest jurisdiction.
In the budding areas of recognition and protection of intellectual
property, in the shipment of even the smallest consignment of agricultural or
processed food material, potential consumer markets are potentially exposed to
high risks sufficient to warrant regulation and control on an international
basis. Trade between countries of
different sizes is as deserving of inclusion within an agreement as that
between two large countries.
But the lessons learned suggest that exceptions and exemptions to the
provisions of an agreement can be made on valid grounds where the petitioner is
able to advance a convincing case.
Clearly, at the initial stages of the negotiation process and following
through them, it is the responsibility of the applicant party to advance and
maintain its position. Notwithstanding
the fact that some countries in the hemisphere are not members of the WTO,
experience shows that with respect to the broad provisions of agreements, the
WTO represents the baseline for concessions for the agreement. This may in part be due to the congruence of
decision affecting the economic health of countries by the sister organizations
of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Because of the web of trading arrangements among the countries of the
hemisphere comprising both large and small economies, a workable base exists
for building upwards on those shared experiences towards provisions which are
respectful of agreements and do not unduly compromise the growth objectives of
each country. At the same time, it is
for these small economies to bring to the table issues and concerns which they
consider significant and which can be addressed through the mechanism of a
trade agreement. New trade-related issues emerge daily, and no treaty can have
perfect foresight on the challenges of tomorrow.
The agreement must be open enough and flexible enough to confront and
resolve such contingencies.
The Issue of
Size.
Within the hemispheric context, the predominant characteristics of
small economies include the following:
Small population size, small labour force, small market, low levels of
technical skills, small export sector, heavy dependency on agriculture and
agro-processing industry, relatively high import bill, high service sector
comprising government workers, commercial service workers and tourism related
sector. Low levels of savings leading to low capital formation and investment
combine to limit job creation. Foreign capital as an engine of growth is
limited in opportunities for investment which tends towards agriculture,
mining, forestry, assembly industries and tourism. Government revenue is funded primarily from personal income
taxes, import/export duties and user fees, and consumption taxes. Local
industries, where they exist, are small, typically family-owned and stand in
contrast to foreign-owned operations which are larger scaled, and more
capital-intensive.
Within the CARICOM island states, because of the area constraints the
issue of size arises to an absolute factor such that economic diversification
may only occur at the expense of a pre-existing enterprise or sector. An example would be the use of agricultural
land for tourism-related enterprise; or by the use of marginal land for new or
displaced uses. Yet these islands
strive valiantly to provide their populations with increasing standards of
health and education at monumental cost in the hope that the opportunity
forgone will be justified in the long run.
For them, the effects of size are high average costs, restricted revenue
options, excessively open economies and over-exposure to international market
conditions as well as natural disasters.
Having joined together in a Customs Union (CARICOM), the countries
concerned have attempted to overcome some of the problems of market size, regional
diversification based on specialization, labour mobility, access to capital
etc. The relative success of this
venture in cooperation is difficult to evaluate though one would hazard the
opinion that it has not worsened the situation for the countries individually
or as a whole. Some will however remark
that even within the CARICOM family where preferential tariffs were accorded to
lesser developed states, the principle of trade liberalization has not borne the
results expected. If so, what hope is
there when the circle of trading relationships is widened to the measure
anticipated by FTAA.
None of these questionings challenge the rationale for growth through
trade liberalization. They merely address
the imperative for an even more discerning view towards identifying those
elusive niches of comparative advantage, wherever they might exist, and to
undertake a directed search for foreign plus local capital with the right mix
of cultural sensitivity and organizational-cum-management-cum-technological
know-how to produce and market the identified
good or service within the expanded FTAA market. The key to the equation
is identifying the market which is as changeable as last summer’s
brochure. For this a combination of
local resources and foreign capital and market knowledge offers an unbeatable
combination if it results in the transfer of skills, market research
capabilities and building of linkages, eventual joint ventures and local
multipliers and eventually supplanting by self-sustaining locally owned and
operated enterprises.
The FTAA
Vehicle
As the FTAA negotiations proceed, it is critical that one monitors
evolving trends within the WTO, as these will likely form the base line for
compliance in any FTAA agreement. In
other words, it is unlikely that FTAA will be more permissive than WTO, as a
general rule, though in the area of concessions there are no such benchmarks
and deserving countries may well receive special consideration without regard
to WTO.
The FTAA heads of State established twelve Working Groups, later
reduced to nine, to research and compile information as the basis for
addressing the negotiations on the nine subject areas. These were:
. Market Access
. Investment
. Services
. Government Procurement
. Dispute Settlement
. Agriculture
. Intellectual Property Rights
. Subsidies, Anti-Dumping and Countervailing Duties
. Competition Policy
In addition, a special Consultative Group on 'Smaller Economies' was
created to look into the special case of those member states likely to
experience challenges in participating in and adhering to the general
provisions of a free trade arrangements and no doubt to survey the
opportunities for relief. At this stage,
and to the best of my knowledge, the term 'smaller economies' has nowhere been
defined, and the natural expectation must be that numerous countries, deserving
or not, will seek umbrage under the expected concessions. However it is defined, and whichever
countries are thereby qualified, the thrust of any exemptions or exceptions
must be to enable these 'smaller
economies' to assume their full responsibilities under the Agreement in the
shortest possible time. The CARICOM
countries have in turn assembled working groups to develop positions on these
and other aspects of an agreement. At this stage it would be irresponsible to
speculate on what such positions might be without benefit of the compiled
information which ought to underpin such suggestions. However, with special reference to the Smaller Economies, and
within the framework of the general characteristics of such economies as
described and also against the process of evolvement of the hemispheric trading
agreements, one might point to some areas which demand the close attention of
smaller economies of CARICOM.
In addition to the WTO, CUSFTA and NAFTA menu of agreement items and
following on the NAFTA prescriptions in relation to the control of virus and
disease-carrying organisms, one may expect in the wake of the September 11 2001
terrorist attack that the North American partners will strive for an increased
level of surveillance in the
implementation of provisions of the Agreement.
Whatever the nature of these measures, and commensurate with the level
of sophistication they employ, trade with these countries, particularly, will
impose additional costs on already strapped economies.
Because the FTAA is an attempt to pull together a number of
pre-existing trading agreements by existing blocs, the arrangements within
which may have some stability and permanence, negotiations may benefit by
proceeding along the lines of adding these agreements with necessary
modifications to NAFTA, much along the lines of the addition of Mexico to
CUSFTA.
Notwithstanding their size and limited resources, and the possible
support and assistance of traditional friends, there is a continuing
responsibility of all partner countries to be fully engaged in the process of
negotiation, to advise their constituencies and to formulate intelligent and
defensible positions which are sure to have significant implications for
generations.
With specific reference to the concerns to be addressed through 'Market
Access' which includes tariff reduction an elimination, quota removals,
requirements for licences and permits or other forms of import and export
restraints whether through pricing or not, the abiding principle is to
expeditiously move the country to a state where it is in full compliance with
the agreement on a fair and reciprocal basis. Initial cases of special
treatment are not unusual, witness the case of the Auto Pact within both CUSFTA
and NAFTA. It would seem that a case
could be likewise made for respecting pre-existing agreements between members.
In addition to defensible negotiations towards a gradual removal of
tariffs by smaller economies, the rules of origin might be relaxed to allow the
establishment of enclave industries.
Were the NAFTA energy provisions to be transplanted into FTAA, it would
be desirable to evaluate their implications for oil and gas testing, drilling
and processing within Caribbean waters.
As in the case of the negotiations leading to the European Union and in
both the CUSFTA and NAFTA, negotiations on agriculture have traditionally been
contentious. For smaller economies in
negotiation on competitive crops grown on 'latifundias' often owned and
financed by non-national capital with transnational holdings, profound
complexities can be expected to be introduced besides the common concerns over
subsidies, price management and other trade distorting mechanisms.
Recourse to sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures as a means to
prohibit market access has already been alleged within the hemisphere. In these
days of agricultural sensitivity to viral and bacterial invasions, it is
nonetheless hoped that the smaller economies will be able , or will be assisted
to meet at least the minimum standards of acceptability. The same comment is applicable in the case
of generally applicable technical standards.
The introduction of provisions allowing nationals from member countries
to bid or tender on Government procurements might validly be combined with a
reasonable minimum to allow the development of a national supply capacity. Even for larger procurements, consideration
might be given to allowing a Trading Bloc of smaller national economies to
tender9subject to all requisite standards and specifications).
Few will deny that Investment drives trade. However, given the differential endowment of investment capital
(concentrated for the most part in the developed North), unbridled
liberalization while creating growth and opportunity in the capital poor
economies might not necessarily lead to relative improvement between them. If FTAA were to be a NAFTA-plus agreement,
in this provision, a quantitative advantage (Capital availability) would be
combined with at least a qualitative equality.
How this conundrum might be resolved is not easy to determine. Any
unsupported interference would kill the goose that lays the golden egg. One
ameliorating proposal endorsed by NAFTA was to require participation by the
domestic market in any venture by a foreign investor and to limit the
importation of offshore inputs if adequate material or substitutes were
available locally.
The provisions under Trade-related Intellectual Property Rights are
largely new and untested. They were first introduced under NAFTA and speak to
the exclusive right of patent, copyright and trademark holders to restrict to
whom they might give permission to avail themselves of these property
rights, The US and Canada did not
address this issue in CUSFTA. However,
the general presumption is that in the exercise of rights under TRIPS, there
should be no attempts at trade restriction or discrimination.
One could not conclude without a pointed observation with regard to
environmental provisions under FTAA.
Given the fact that most smaller economies are primary producing areas
with a high natural resource base, every reasonable attempt should be made to
secure the exploitation of such resources in the most environmentally sensitive
manner. The ready recourse of large
multinational operators to utilize large mechanical means of resource development in small geographical
areas, with little thought or minimal attention to the environmental adverse
impacts they create should be questioned, and promotion of environmentally
sustainable methods of agriculture, forestry, mining, fishing, water and sewer projects, roads etc especially when
funded by international loan institutions should be subjected to an
environmental sustainability test.
Concluding Remarks.
I am aware that in the course of this presentation I may have incited
more questioning, raised more questions, challenged some doubts, allayed some
apprehensions. If so, then I believe
that I have been successful in what I have been invited to do. This is not an easy enterprise on which we
are embarked, especially at these initial stages when there are so many
fears. But be assured that no single person
has a monopoly on how best to proceed.
Hopefully, a conference such as this helps provide some background,
helps to present some insights and moves us all forward to a future, filled
with hope and promise.

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